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Fiscal Disparities 101
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12-01-08-Truth in Taxation
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Fiscal Disparities 101
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Fiscal Disparities 101
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Fiscal Disparities 101
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12/1/2008
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<br />How are commercial/industrial and utility <br />parcels taxed? <br /> <br />Commercial and industrial properties are not <br />taxed twice. Instead, a portion of each <br />commercial or industrial property's tax <br />capacity is taxed at the area-wide tax capacity <br />rate and the balance is taxed at the total local <br />tax rate. As a simple example, in a <br />community where exactly 40 percent of all <br />commercial, industrial, and utility property is <br />contributed to the fiscal disparities pool, 40 <br />percent of each parcel's value is taxed at the <br />area-wide tax rate and 60 percent is taxed at <br />the total local tax rate. In 2008, for example, <br />the Twin Cities area-wide tax rate was <br />115.78 percent and the Taconite Area-wide <br />tax rate was 142.35 percent. <br /> <br />Policy Issues <br /> <br />The original intent of the program was <br />articulated through the following six <br />objectives: <br />. Provide a way for local governments <br />to share resources generated by <br />regional growth; <br />. Encourage orderly urban development <br />by reducing competition for <br />commercial and industrial <br />development; <br />. Establish incentives for regional <br />cooperation; <br />. Provide a way for regional resources <br />to be available through the existing <br />system of local governments; <br />. Make resources available to <br />communities at the beginning stages <br />of development or redevelopment; <br />and <br />. Encourage environmental protection <br /> <br />Descriptions of the program, such as those <br />offered by the Minnesota House of <br />Representatives Research Department and <br />the Metropolitan Council, often highlight two <br />main goals that encapsulate several of the <br /> <br />original objectives: <br />. Promote orderly urban planning and <br />development; and <br />. Work towards a more equitable <br />distribution of fiscal resources. <br /> <br />Assessment of the program's success in <br />accomplishing the second of these goals <br />often points out the "winners," cities that are <br />net recipients, and "losers," cities that are net <br />contributors. Proponents of the program <br />focus on the relative uniformity of the <br />taxation of commercial and industrial <br />property across the metropolitan area and the <br />stability the net contributors provide to the <br />region as a whole. They argue that greater <br />uniformity and stability give the entire region <br />a competitive edge in national and global <br />marketplaces. <br /> <br />The critics of the system argue that the <br />contribution rate of 40 percent is arbitrary <br />and that the distribution formula is solely <br />based on the relative property tax base wealth <br />of each city. Also, the formula uses non- <br />adjusted assessment levels. Cities with high <br />assessment levels contribute more tax base <br />than cities with lower levels, creating a <br />disincentive to raise the assessment level. <br /> <br />Although fiscal disparities is generally <br />considered to impact commercial and <br />industrial properties, a House Research study <br />found that homestead tax rates are also <br />affected. For example, the homestead tax <br />rate in St. Paul was 8.8 percent lower in 2004 <br />because of the program. In the same year <br />Bloomington, a net contributor, experienced <br />a 5.5 percent increase in the average <br />homestead tax rate. The study found that tax <br />base sharing did not lead to such extreme <br />changes in most cities. <br /> <br />Within cities, property classes can experience <br />the impacts of tax base sharing differently. <br />Declines in the market values for Twin Cities <br /> <br />2 <br />
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