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territory. Drawing districts without frequent reference to the location of incumbents seems to naturally result in a number of incumbent conflicts. Where possible without increasing the number of split political subdivisions, creating greater population deviations, or disrupting communities of interest, we have made some minor changes to ensure the plan does not result in "either undue incumbent protection or excessive incumbent conflicts." See Order Stating Redistricting Principles, supra, at 5. In this way, the plan strikes, a balance between the competing interests of the parties. Similarly, amicus curiae, the Minnesota Women's Campaign Fund (MWCF), and citizens testifying in the public hearings have asked us to ensure that no plan has an undue impact on female legislators. The MWCF has specifically asked that we consider: (1) whether the number and kind of incumbent pairings adversely and disproportionately- affect women; (2) the percentage of new territory assigned to women incumbents as compared to the percentage assigned to men; and (3) the extent to which a female incumbent is assigned to a new district in which the majority of voters belong to an opposing political party. (MWCF Br. at 8-9.) Because we declined to consider the changes to any incumbent's territory or the electoral composition of any incumbent's district, we similarly decline to undertake such political analyses for female incumbents. Given our criteria, however, we did assess the number of incumbent pairings involving women. Women constitute only 28% of paired senators and 24% of paired representatives in this plan 4 Twenty percent of all female senators and 24% of all female representatives are paired. Based on all these considerations, we conclude that although no plan satisfies every interest, this plan is balanced and fair while placing a premium on achieving low population 4 Currently, 37% of Minnesota's senators and 25% of its representatives are women.