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� �.. <br />Two black neighbourhoods on Chicago's south side - Douglas and Grand <br />Boulevard were examined by Boyd (2Q00). The borders of the neighbourhoods were <br />originally deternuned by white resistance to black migration. Later, white neighbourhood <br />institutions used urban renewal projects to expand their campuses and construct middle- <br />income housing developments as a buffer against the surrounding neighbourhood. The <br />racial segregation policies, federal mortgage financing and highway construction <br />concentrated blacks into Douglas and Grand Boulevard. The loss of manufacturing <br />employment in the late 1960s and 1970s further impoverished the low-skilled black <br />population. By the late 1970s, the neighbourhoods contained the largest concentration of <br />public housing in the country; their populations had dropped to half their previous <br />amount, and they were populated with mainly low-income renters, more than half of <br />whom survived on incomes below the poverty line. <br />The segregation processes also influenced the class distribution within Douglas <br />and Grand Boulevard: the poorest were isolated into distinct parts of the neighbourhoods, <br />while at the same time helping to create pockets of affluence, concentrated primarily at <br />the northern end (ibid.). <br />2.2.2. Washington: Distressed Neighbourhoods Illustrate Differences <br />Turner and Hayes (1997) analyse demographic and socio-economic conditions in <br />Washington's distressed neighbourhoods and the metropolitan area. The scholars identify <br />several severe challenges threatening the neighbourhoods: <br />• Almost half (47.9 per cent) of adults over 24 lacked a high school diploma, <br />compared to only 14.8 per cent for the metropolitan area as a whole. One in <br />four (25.6 per cent) 16 to 19 year-olds were high-school dropouts; almost <br />three times the rate (8.9 per cent) for the metropolitan area. <br />• The unemployment rate was nearly four times higher (15.1 per cent) than in <br />the metropolitan area (3.7 per cent), and half (49.9 per cent) of all adult men <br />were not in the labour force, compared to only 23.8 per cent for the region as a <br />whole. <br />Single women headed most families with children (72.5 per cent compared to <br />only 23.1 per cent of households throughout the region). <br />Almost one fourth of households received public assistance, more than five <br />times the rate for the metropolitan area. <br />The study shows that though many problems were common throughout the <br />distressed communities, there were important differences among these neighbourhoods <br />and essential assets within them. For example, high-school drop-out rates varied <br />significantly, suggesting that some schools were more successful, despite the high <br />poverty rates of the neighbourhoods in which they were located. Unemployment rates <br />also varied significantly, with unemployment under 10 per cent in almost one in five <br />high-poverty tracts (ibid.). <br />2.2.3. New Orleans: Business Disinvestment <br />Basolo and Strong (2002) report on a collaborative neighbourhood study <br />conducted in the Uptown area of New Orleans. After significant growth during the first <br />4 <br />