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Cninprchcmice Nci�hb�nirh��nd Studic> C�hzunc�crinn_ Dcclir,c Randolph and Judd's case study of the Waterloo Estate, the largest of the Sydney's inner-city public housing estates, characterize the problems. The estate comprises approximately 2,500 properties, which accounts for close to 70% of all dwellings, and 82% of the total population of the suburb of Waterloo. Compared to other housing estates, Waterloo has a high percentage (51%) of high-rise flats set in open space and is highly visible and easily distinguished from its mainly [errace house and light industrial surroundings. It is a highly disadvantaged community falling within the lowest 10 per cent of all collectors districts in NSW according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Socio-Economic Indicators far Areas. It has a well above average concentration of elderly people, single person households, single parent households, Aboriginal and Tones Strait Islanders, and particular ethnic groups such as Russian/Ukraine and Vietnamese (ibid.). The Waterloo area has suffered from high levels of unemployment (particularly amongst youth), high dependency on govemment assistance, a significantly higher incidence of inental illness, problems with drug and alcohol abuse, and high levels of crime and vandalism. As a result, by the mid 1990's Waterloo had become a highly stigmatised community with a high rejection rate of housing offers, high vacancy rates, high rental arrears and high levels of nuisance, annoyance and vandalism (ibid.). The pattem of population and urban growth or loss prior to 1991 in Australia can be summarized as strong population growth in areas with large greenfield sites on the urban fringe, accompanied by consistent population losses in the inner city and losses in the middle suburbs (Departrnent of Infrastructure 1998). However the evidence presented in the Australian s[udies indicate that neighbourhood change patterns in Australia's largest capital cities have become more complex over the past years than the model of inner and middle city decline and growth in the outer rings of urban development (Badcock 2001, Department of Infrastructure 1998, Baker, Coffee and Hugo 2000). The urban development trends occumng over the last 10-15 years represent a substantial shift from earlier patterns. These are a revival of population growth and residential development in the inner city, and the boom in the development and demand for medium-density housing (Department of Infrastructure 1998). Inner-city revitalization has proceeded right through the 1990s in Australia's all five largest cities (Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, Brisbane, PeRh) (Badcock 2001). For example, inner city repopulation has occuned in Melboume between 199] and 1996, arresting population decline since the turn of the century. In che first half of the decade, the City of Melbourne local government area became the third fastest growing municipality in the metropolitan area, growing by approximately 15 per cent in that period. Sydney has also undergone a remarkable grow[h in its inner city population and level of residential development since 1991 (DepartmenC of Infrastructure 1998). The demographic profile of inner-city residents of Melboume showed that the people repopula[ing the irmer city tend to be young, predominandy 20 to 29 year olds. They are likely to have fewer children and to be highly educated. Inner city residents tend to work in managerial or professional occupations in the service sec[or, particularly —. 15