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Li�ingWages & Communities: Smarter Economic Development,l�4WerThar� Expected Costs <br />Key Findings <br />For city contracts, Loca1 officials reported that cost increases have �een small and less than ini- <br />tially expected. <br />• For most cities, contract costs increased by less than 0.1 % of the overall local budget in the years <br />after a living wage law was adopted. See Table 1 on page 6. <br />• Generally, in each ciry a few contracts involving large numbers of low-wage workers —for exam- <br />ple, contracts for janitorial or security guard services—increased substantiallY in price. For these <br />few contracts, the contracting businesses submitted higher bids, or negotiated for higher prices, <br />to perform the ciry work once the living wage requirement took effect. <br />• But ��e officials interviewed found that most contracts increased little, if any, in cost. In rnany <br />cases, contracting employers were reported to have absorbed much or all of the additional labor <br />costs without demanding increased funds from the cities. <br />• Living wage requirements encouraged some local governments to institute competitive bidding <br />for contracts that had not been put out for hid in many years, reportedly yielding savings for the <br />cities. <br />• In localities that extended living wage requirements ta contracts for human services such as <br />home healthcare or child care, cost increases were sii�htly larger—ranging from 0.3% to 2.79% <br />of local human services budgets —althoughstill quite moderate overall. See Table 2 on page 7. <br />• These increased costs reflect both the high concentrations of low wages among city-contracted <br />caregivers, and the fact that cities have sometimes agreed to automatically pay for some or all of <br />the increased wage costs for such contracts because of the vital nature of human services and the <br />budgetary constraints faced by the non-profit agencies that often provide these services. <br />For city business subsidy programs, local officials reported that they could still attract desired <br />business development, and that living wage laws often reinforced smarter economic develop- <br />ment focused on creating higher quality jobs. <br />• Local officials reported that only in a very few instances did living wage requirements that <br />applied to business subsidy programs limit their ability to attract desirable employers to their <br />communities. See Table 4 on page 12. <br />Many business subsidy programs already emphasized attracting high-wage jobs, so living wage <br />laws effectively formalized and reinforced existing practices. <br />Some local officials reported that a living wage requirement increased public support for their <br />business subsidy programs by assuring taxpayers that public funds would be spent to attract only <br />high-wage jobs. <br />Relatively few local officials reported using their business subsidy programs to attract jobs in low- <br />wage sectors such as retail, since such jobs are less beneficial to local residents and the economy <br />than higher paying jobs. The few that did use subsidies to attract retail jobs reported that theY <br />were still �enrislly able to attract such employers, although some cities renegotiated subsidy <br />_�,..1;.�1., or chose to exempt some businesses from the living wage requirement. <br />