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<br />J7 <br />t~,~ <br /> <br />drugs" was a areadfm mistake. They banded together to sup- <br />port medical mat~juana irdtiatives in five Western states. Tbe <br />best krwwrr of them was bllllonaire financier George Soros of <br />New York. He and his political partners -Phoenix business- <br />man John Sperling and Cleveland businessman Peter B. I.ewls <br />- personally contributed more than 75 percent of the E1.5 <br />million spent on behalf of a suocesgful medical marijuana ini- <br />tiative in just one of the states, Arizona. <br />The issue isn't whether medical marijuana laws are good or <br />bad" As Arizona state Rep. Mike Gardner rnmplained to me, <br />"The initiative was part of our eonstitution when we became <br />a state, because it was supposed to offer people a way of <br />overriding special-interest groups. But-it's turned 190 degrees; <br />and now the special-interest groups use the initiative for their <br />own purposes. Why should a New York millionaire be writing <br />the laws of Arizona?" <br />When I relayed Gardner's question to Soros, he replied: "I <br />live in one place, but I cauider myself a citizen of the world <br />I Gave foundations in 30 countries, and I believe certain uni- <br />versal prlnclples apply everywhere -including Arizona." <br />It won't be long before tbe twin forces of tec]urology and <br />public opinion coalesce )n a political movement for a national <br />initiative -allowing the public to substitute the simplicity of <br />majority rule for what must seem to many Americans the <br />arcane, outof~ate model of the Constitution. In fact, such a <br />debate already is under way, based on what I beard at a May <br />1999 forum sponsored by the Initiative and Referendum <br />Invtitute in Washington, D.C. <br />M. Dane Waters, the institute's president, cut his political <br />teeth on the term-limas movement, and the group's member- <br />ship includes firms in the initiative industry. But Waters <br />strove to keep the forum intellectually honest, inviting critics <br />as well as supporters of the initiative process. <br />There was no doubt about the leanings of most of those in <br />attendance. Keynote speaker was Kirk Fordice, then governor <br />of Mississippi, who was cheered when he saluted the audience <br />as "the greatest rnllection of mavericks in the world The goal <br />that unites us is to return a portion of the rnnsiderable power <br />of government to individual atizens ...and take control from <br />the hands of professional politicians and bureaucrats." <br />Fordice, a Republican, noted his state was the most recent <br />to adopt the initiative, in 1992. Since then, he lamented, "only <br />one initiaffve has made it onto the ballot," aterm-limits mea- <br />sure that voters rejected. <br />When I began researching the initiative process, I was <br />agnostic about it. But imw that I've heard the arguments and <br />seen the initiative industry in action, the choice is easy. I <br />would choose James Madison and the Constitution's checks <br />and balances over the seductive simplicity of Gravel's up-0r- <br />down initiative vote. We should be able to learn from experi- <br />