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05-7-14-PC
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Growing Closer 11 <br />is high and the number of households rises, the need for land <br />also rises dramatically. One thousand new homes at a suburban <br />low density would consume 250 more acres of land than they <br />would at a medium density; 5,000 new homes would require <br />1,250 more acres of land. That development would most likely <br />be on soils suitable for agriculture or on land that provides an <br />important ecological function. <br />Increasing the density in urban areas while restricting <br />growth on resource lands prevents this loss of crucial land. <br />Oregon has pursued this policy for the past 30 years. In 1973, <br />300,000 acres of productive farmland in the Willamette Valley <br />were rezoned from rural residential to agricultural use. Dur- <br />ing the same period, urban growth boundaries around Portland <br />directed growth inward. The results have been encouraging. <br />Only 1 percent of the farmland in the valley was lost between <br />1987 and 1999, while the population of nearby Portland rose <br />by 23 percent. Compare this to a productive region of another <br />state without a similar policy: California’s rich Central Valley <br />loses 15,000 acres of farmland every year (1000 Friends of <br />Oregon n.d.). Other studies have calculated the potential land <br />savings of following a similar course. For example, Massachusetts <br />could save 51,000 acres of land by switching to a smart growth <br />development pattern for the next 25 years (Burchell 2003). <br />In addition to economic and environmental benefits, den- <br />sity offers the advantages of urban life, namely the choices and <br />options available wherever people live and work in close prox- <br />imity. Cities generate diverse and specialized services that are <br />not possible in places with smaller populations—things like <br />cultural events, medical services, shopping, and dining options. <br />At higher densities, it’s possible to offer more of these ameni- <br />ties within a smaller geographical area. <br />Many people like the idea of having a corner store or café <br />in their neighborhood. In housing surveys, homebuyers regu- <br />larly express a preference for “shops within walking distance.” <br />But retail businesses need residents to survive. The larger a gro- <br />cery store is—and the more extensive its selection—the more <br />customers it needs to stay in business. For example, a neighbor- <br />hood shopping center with local goods such as convenience <br />items, videos, or a dry cleaner needs a minimum of 3,000 <br />people within a three-mile radius to be viable; a supermarket <br />requires far more—40,000 residents within three to six miles <br />(Beyard and O’Mara 1999). <br />why we haTe denSiT y <br />Despite all the advantages of building closer, resistance to <br />density is widespread, to say the least. One reason is cultural. <br />Unlike other nations that developed over a millennium, we <br />don’t have a long-standing tradition of designing cities and <br />sharing close quarters. Our cities and villages were dense for a <br />mere 150 years before losing population to the suburbs in the <br />middle of the twentieth century. Psychologically, we’re a nation <br />of single-family homeowners. We’re accustomed to a lot of <br />space between our neighbors and ourselves. This cultural bias <br />often underlies discussions of growth and development and <br />merges with negative stereotypes of recent public housing fail- <br />ures. Many people view density as a threat, believing that <br />it leads to sinking property values, rising crime, and traffic <br />congestion. <br />Crowding Although skepticism toward density is often <br />based on fear and misconceptions, not all opposition is unjus- <br />tified. There is such a thing as “bad” density—that which is <br />poorly planned and designed without an understanding or <br />concern for human needs. Much recent development has <br />proven to be a poor model of how to live closer together. Many <br />new subdivisions create density without amenities. They are <br />crowded and monotonous, offering few of the environmental <br />or economic benefits described above. <br />Density is often associated with crowding, but it is impor- <br />tant to distinguish between the two. Density is the number of <br />people in a given space, while crowding is the subjective per- <br />ception that that number is too high. Places can be very dense, <br />but may not be perceived as overcrowded if they are designed <br />■ <br />Opposite: Portland, Oregon
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