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A ''1 �(�I11��iC�lClltil�C'�'Cl��lil�iUl��1(�(��j �IU��I('�: C�i�ll��tC(CII/I'1" �i'C�III(' � Even Eastern Europe is not exempt from these trends. For example, in spite of distinct differences in urban densities, the availability of automobiles, and historical planned vs. market conditions, the location behaviour of Dresden households is very similar to that observed in U.S. data (ibid.). In the United States, in the 1980's, the concept of an urban `ghetto underclass' was developed to describe the residents of urban inner-city areas with high concentrations of poverty, unemployment, crime, teen-age pregnancy and lone motherhood. Researchers dismiss the idea that there are ghettos in the large European cities on the same scale and segregated manner that they exist in larger American cities. In Europe, instead, during the latter part of the 1990's the concept of social exclusion was at the centre in discussions of issues like poverty, unemployment, and ethnic minorities (Glennerster et al. 1999, Larsen 2001). Concentration of socially excluded people in certain districts has occurred in almost every major European city (Robson 1988; Larsen 2001; Richardson and Gordon 1999; Glennerster et al. 1999; Carley 1990; Priemus 1998; Randolph and Judd 1999; Townsend 1987). Globalisation, migration and social exclusion are often the keywords employed to explain this process of spatial concentration of especially long-term unemployed, immigrant and ethnic minority communities (Larsen 2001). 2.3.1. The British Experience Extensive evidence of decline is reported in British cities with inner-city disinvestment and abandonment of physical urban fabrics particularly in northern cities such as Newcastle, Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool, and Manchester (Keenan, Lowe & Spencer 1999). On the other hand demand for inner city housing remains strong in cities such as London and Dublin. According to Keenan et al. the decline in inner city housing is closely related to economic restructuring, which has resulted in the emergence of housing abandonment particularly in areas of public housing stock. According to Carley (1999), more than three million British homes (about one in seven) are in poor condition, lacking in basic amenities or in need of major repairs. Many of these homes are in run-down neighbourhoods of degraded environmental quality, whose residents suffer from poverty and social and economic alienation. The loss of around one million industrial jobs in British urban areas, most in the past twenty years, made conditions worse in these neighbourhoods. British run-down neighbourhoods house about five million people, many of whom are unemployed, single parents, elderly or suffering some form of social deprivation. In some of them, the prenatal mortality rate for children is twice the national average and the death rate 30 per cent greater (ibid.). Glasgow is an interesting example as decline has been happening there equally in inner-city and suburban areas of the city. Often the peripheral estates represented the most serious set of problems facing the city, with majar concentrations of socially and economically disadvantaged groups. Half of the most deprived areas in Glasgow are now located in the peripheral estates (ibid.). The 1951 Census indicated that 51 per cent of all Glasgow families lived in 1 or 2 room flats (ibid.). The solutions pursued to tackle overcrowding included: overspill, particularly to new towns; comprehensive redevelopment of inner-city areas, replacing 12