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program as well as encouraged and helped to inv�stigate the possibili- <br />ties. We should not lose sight of the fact that it is their money whi�h is <br />ultimaiely being invested. They need sup�ort just as much as the <br />lenders. <br />The basic conclusion of this <br />oan program w1 not have <br />r �'�� <br />ecline oi the reha <br />in uir is that the Title I Horne Im rovement <br />a ver�l si�ni icant e ect u�n arresting t�he, <br />�il�tation areas <br />eavo is an aint Paul. Only <br />a ter a prodzgious e ort by many agencies and the blessing ot some <br />favorable economic fac",ors is the program likely to get rolling on any- <br />thing but a piecexneal basis. This is a program which is running against <br />the stream of lendin,g attitudes, practices, experiences, and prejudices, <br />and it will probably be some time before the stream's course can be <br />altered. Assuming a major effort, its measurable effects will most <br />lil�ely not be felt until the end of this decade. <br />Water and 5ewage Systems. F'ublic health authorities anc� urban plan- <br />ners generally hold that the provision of public water and waste disposal <br />is a basic prerequisite for urban development service along with such <br />things as streets and schools. TYie bulk of residential development be- <br />tweeri 1950 and 1961 occurred without the provision of central water and <br />sewage syst�ms. This was possible because the glacia.l drift on which <br />the urban area is built lenc'_s itself to site-located systems (see Metro- <br />politan Water Study, Part Ii; and Metropolitan Sewerage Study). It was <br />the purpose of this study to investigate under what circumstances and in <br />what manner the provision of sewer and water utilities have affected the <br />location of residential development. Was development inhibited ar <br />directed as a result of the absence or presence of these utility systems ? <br />There are instances where the absence or presence of a water or sewage <br />system made a difference of whether or not a particular subdivision was <br />built. The lack of public utilities has retarded growth in sector� with <br />physical problems w:n.ei�e on-site disposal systems were not satisfactory. <br />b of these ublic s stems has not detes�red <br />But, in eneral, the a. sence <br />evelo ers rom locatin in unserved areas. The strength o this can- <br />clusion varies between water and sewer systems; therefore, each is <br />dis cus s ed individua�.ly. <br />In the case of water, the situation appears fairly clear that the provision <br />of this facility l�as not had a significant effect upon where development <br />occurred in the Area. This conclusion can �rnost easily be supported by <br />indicating that nine rapidly expanding suburban muni�ipalities with a <br />tutal populati�on increase during the past decade of approximately 135, 000 <br />people, did not have municipal water systems. Areas further out, such <br />as, Plymouth, Minnetonka, and Brooklyn Park v�hich generally lie on <br />the urhan fringe, ail had sizeable populat�on increases with only a very <br />small proportion of the population served Uy a few isolated water sys - <br />tem s. Even in B rooklyn C ente r whe re approximately 34 pe r c ent of the <br />populati�:� (1960) was served by a water system, a substantial part of <br />the increas<� in population was not served by this system. <br />36 <br />