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Orleans. i�i Perhaps chief among them is the absence of habitable dwellings, which has been <br />exacerbated by the failure of local authorities to take full charge of the planning process and <br />thereby create a framework for rebuilding. <br />Recently New Orleans officials chose to forego traditional comprehensive planning seen <br />under a Euclidean zoning scheme in favor of a planning process that will delegate responsibility <br />to fifteen planning teams who will be guided by groups of residents from various parts of New <br />Orleans. i�� Although the grand scheme calls for all of the individual neighborhood plans to be <br />incorporated into a single master plan at some point, thus far there are no comprehensive <br />guidelines being promulgated for the design of the neighborhoods. In the absence of new, <br />broadly applicable standards, residents are free to rebuild in exactly the same manner that caused <br />many properties to sustain serious and in some cases irremediable damage.123 Groups of <br />residents, while ostensibly empowered to affect their own neighborhoods or their own houses, <br />are not empowered to undertake the sort of broad structural and environmental remediation <br />needed to avoid future disasters.124 <br />Moreover, even if such consultations were able to reflect the views of the broader <br />constituency, there is some concern that residents would avoid doing so in lieu of promoting <br />i�i For a fuller discussion of the housing-related problems of poor blacks in New Orleans in the <br />Aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, see Lolita Buckner Inniss, A Domestic Right of Return? Race, <br />Rights and Residency in New Orleans in the Aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, forthcoming <br />Boston College Third World Law Journal (2007). <br />'�� Nicolai Ourousoff, In New Orleans, Each Resident is Master of the Plan to Rebuild, N.Y. <br />Times (New York), August 8, 2006, The Arts, at B 1. <br />123 Id <br />124 T.7 <br />1 Ll <br />34 <br />