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LivingWages & Communities: Smarter Economic Development. LowerT�an Expected Costs <br />In Oakland, ciry af�cials reported that two retail development projects had been cancelled in <br />recent years, but attributed the result to factors other than the living wage law.a3 <br />In Los Angeles, developers of two subsidized projects, including the Staples Center stadium <br />development project, agreed without complaint to the living wage requirement, while a third <br />project proceeded by exempting some retail and restaurant staff from the n;_�_:rc����•�y�.'{ <br />• In San Francisco, a supermarket, while claiming that it paid its employees a living wage, chose <br />not to accept a business subsidy package citing a desire not to be subject to the living wage <br />reporting requirement.4i <br />Generally, cities reported that the overall � <br />economic climate and traditional eco- ��nj� ��,������ �{ th�S� �Iti�� <br />nomic development concerns were the <br />dominant factors in decisions �y de�e1- and counties suggest that living wage <br />opers whether to seek or accept public <br />business subsidies for economic develop- reqUll"@C71@C1tS C71�/ il@Ip Cltl@S ICl <br />ment projects involving retail compo- <br />nents. Cities interviewed, such as <br />Oakland, attributed developer decisions <br />not to pursue subsidized retail develop- <br />ment projects chiefly to traditional con- <br />siderations, such as project location, <br />availability of parking and consumer <br />spending, rather than the applicability of <br />a living wage requirement. <br />directing public funds av,�� fra�n <br />retail projects that often bring <br />{@W�1' �����11'11� !'eCUI'C1S C4 <br />their communities. <br />� <br />Finally, the experiences of these cities and counties suggest that living wage requirements may help <br />cities in directing public funds away from retail projects that often bring fewer returns to their com- <br />munities. In fact, Oakland's experience indicates that the failure of its proposed retail projects may <br />have been a blessing in disguise. Using the same land and fewer taxpayer resources, Oa�and sold <br />most of the city property originally slated for retail development to a telecommunications manufac- <br />turer, which is expected to create 1,200 high-wage jobs without requiring ciry subsidies." The <br />remainder of the property is being developed into an automotive facility by a unionized firm that <br />pays its employees at or above the living wage requirement. Thus, even where a living wage require- <br />ment limits the feasibiliry of economic development strategies focused on low-wage sectors such as <br />retail, this may help cities in re-directing business subsidy resources towards other sectors that more <br />readily yield good jobs for the communiry. <br />FactorsThat MayAccount for Limited Impact on <br />Local Business Subsidy Programs <br />Administrators attributed the living wage laws' limited impact on business subsidy programs to two <br />key factors: (1) the fact that many business subsidy programs were already focused on recruiting busi- <br />nesses in sectors that offer higher wages; and (2) the greater public acceptance of business subsidy pro- <br />grams that [hey believe living wage policies can generate. At the same time, administrators reported <br />that �ivin� wage laws helped sharpen the focus of their business subsidy programs on attracting jobs <br />that generate the greatest benefits for their communities. <br />l� <br />