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re ~nation'3 largest food processors, Lion. As vice~piesiaencorcrigineeringior'"now:"Kndihe~cominunity Kept two bust- regulaIIOn wo• <br />:::id be there. So would representatives BH Electronics in Mazshall, he could nesses, a music store and an accounting wireless technc <br />tae big. farmer-owned alcohol and report how the lack ofhigh-speed service firm, that almost surely would have left Training ~ti <br />Ilot <br />Jeff Jacoby' <br />.stop Globe <br />initiatives keep democracy on tracK <br />BOSTON -When Winston <br />urchill suggested in 1945 that a <br />~erendum be held to decide <br />-.ether to extend the all-party gov- <br />~mentthathad led Britain during <br />:~ war, Clement Attlee was <br />palled. Referendums, the Labor <br />arty leader spat, were an "instru- <br />:ent ofNazism and fascism." <br />David Broder doesn't go quite <br />tat faz. But in a new book, "De- <br />ocracy Derailed," he makes it <br />fear that he regards ballot initia- <br />ives -proposed laws that aze <br />~~bmitted to a vote of the people <br />- as a cancer on American de- <br />.ocracy. The initiative process, <br />writes, is "alien to the spirit of <br />ne Constitution." It is a "favored <br />:ool of millionaires and interest <br />groups." It "threatens to chal- <br />~nge or even subvert the Ameri- <br />° stem of government." And <br />ust on the first page. <br />der is a highly respected <br />political journalist, and his book <br />- part of which ran on the Star <br />ribune's May 21 Opinion page - <br />;urveys the lively world of ballot <br />,campaigns with the careful report- <br />ing and amiable tone for which he <br />is known. He reviews the history of <br />initiatives, which grew out of the <br />Progressive and Populist move- <br />ments azound a century ago, and <br />describes in some detail how the <br />"initiative industry" operates <br />today. It is fair to say he doesn't <br />like what he sees. <br />Ballot campaigns, Broder az- <br />gues, undermine the republican <br />form of government the Found- <br />ing Fathers created. On a vast <br />array of public issues, they by- <br />pass the very officials who were <br />elected to make public policy. <br />"Indications" are that initiatives- <br />can be deployed to hurt minor- <br />ities. They aze peddled to voters <br />in "blitzes of distortion and half- <br />truths." Worst of all, the initiative <br />process allows powerful interests <br />simply to buy the laws they want. <br />Is any of this really true? <br />Take the tidal wave of initia- <br />tives that Broder says is flooding <br />American ballots.- 'From 1976 <br />through 1998, the average has <br />been an astonishing 61 initia- <br />tives" per election cycle, he <br />writes. In 1997-98, the number <br />was 66." It is a theme he has <br />pressed in recent. columns. "Ev- <br />eryone knows it rains a lot here," <br />he wrote from Oregon in April, <br />"but lately it has been raining <br />ballot initiatives." <br />Don't reach for your umbrella <br />just yet. On the legislative weath- <br />er map, ballot issues amount to <br />little more than scattered clouds. <br />To begin with, initiatives aren't <br />even allowed in 26 states. While <br />that leaves 24 that do permit citi- <br />zen-lawmaking, 56 percent of all <br />ballot activity has occurred in just <br />five: California. Colorado, North <br />Dakota, Arizona, and, yes, Ore- <br />gon. Even there, initiatives gener- <br />ally fail. Most never make it to <br />the ballot; of those that do, most <br />usually go down to defeat. <br />Consider California, often <br />thought of as a state in which bal- <br />lotpolitics is running amok In the <br />89 years since California adopted <br />the initiative process, 1,043 ballot <br />measures have been submitted. <br />.Only 272 - 26.1 percent - quali- <br />fied for the ballot. Only 87 - 8.3 <br />percent- actually became law. <br />In 1996, when the recent <br />"flood" of initiatives crested, vot- <br />ers in the 24 initiative states con- <br />sidered atotal of 102 proposed <br />laws. Of those, 45 passed. "By con- <br />trast," says Dane Waters, presi- <br />dent of the Initiative and Referen- <br />dum Institute in Washington, <br />D.C., "the legislatures in those 24 <br />states adopted over 17,000 laws <br />that same yeaz." Voters may think <br />ill of state legislators, but they aze <br />not remotely close to displacing <br />them as the dominant makers of <br />law in America. <br />Sure, laws passed at the ballot <br />box can be unfair. But for real <br />cruelty and injustice, you need a <br />legislature. (It wasn't ballot activ- <br />ists who segregated Southern <br />drinking fountains.) And sure, <br />campaigns for and against ballot <br />initiatives sometimes resort to <br />deceptive slogans and alarmist <br />ads. The same can be said of <br />every other type of campaign in <br />American politics. <br />Broder's greatest concern is <br />that special interests with .deep <br />pockets will hijack the initiative <br />process for their own purposes, <br />spending whatever it takes to <br />change public policy as they see <br />fit. He writes, for example, about. <br />the "well-coordinated and richly <br />financed effort" by three million- <br />sires - New York financier <br />George Soros, Cleveland insur- <br />ance executive Peter Lewis, and <br />Ehoenix businessman John Sper- <br />ling - to legalize the medical use <br />of marijuana. That effort met with <br />spectacular success; of the five <br />"medical marijuana" initiatives on <br />state ballots in 1998, five carried. <br />It would indeed be cause far <br />worry if initiatives were routinely <br />exploited by rich insiders for their <br />own purposes. But they aren't. <br />Political scientist Elisabeth Ger- <br />ber, surveying 168 ballot cam- <br />paigns in eight states, concluded <br />that economic interest groups "are <br />severely limited in their ability to <br />pass new laws by initiative." Only <br />31 percent of initiatives backed <br />chiefly by special interests passed. <br />while those put forward bybroad- <br />based citizen groups succeeded 50 <br />percent of the time. <br />In California, the disadvantage <br />is even more lopsided: 40 percent <br />of all initiatives on the ballot ir, <br />1986-96 were adopted, but onl} <br />14 percent of initiatives promot- <br />ed by wealthy interests. The pat <br />tern is the same in other states. <br />"Democracy derailed?" On th <br />contrary, ballot measures kee <br />democracy on track Represents <br />five government is not alway <br />representative. When legislature <br />refuse to heed the voters, initi~ <br />fives can set them straight. <br />• ro ram for Social. <br />l.e~s tr a collective investment p g <br />recipients earning higher returns is These fur <br />Sy Kenneth Zapp cleazly aimed at diverting public atten- one lazge <br />George W. Bush and the Republicans Lion from the system's progressive vidual ac <br />intent. Gov. Gee <br />~~zcrLthe Social Security At the same time, Gore and the Dem- money c <br />y .-~~~~~ seem determined to ignore the gressive i <br />__~_~.e .,,Mle av~ <br />~ ~%v~~ ~:, ~i*cv~- ~ lit h.L. ~, ZC%C~t~ .~ r1~~1 I n bt-vJ'1-C <br />• <br />